‘Propaganda tools, not social programs’ Russia’s political strategists have little use without competitive elections — so the Kremlin is turning them into ‘social architects’
A lack of competitive elections has left political strategists in Russia in low demand — but the Kremlin has a plan. A new contest aims to redirect them toward social projects, repurposing strategists as “social architects” tasked with designing and overseeing regional initiatives for various demographic groups, from schoolchildren to retirees. And by keeping them financially afloat, the Kremlin also hopes to secure their loyalty. Meduza special correspondent Andrey Pertsev spoke with Kremlin insiders and political strategists to explore how this plan could reshape Russia’s political consulting market — and why some believe it could backfire.
On January 16, the Kremlin’s domestic policy team announced a contest for “social architects,” aimed at government officials from various sectors as well as political strategists experienced in organizing election campaigns and voting. Winners will design and oversee social programs in Russian regions.
The contest has five categories: project manager, project organizer, social analyst, media manager, and Internet strategist. The official entry requirements are surprisingly low: participants must simply be Russian citizens over the age of 18. Neither education nor prior professional experience is mentioned among the initial criteria. However, in the first “remote” stage, candidates must pass a “comprehensive assessment of potential” test and describe a successful project of their own.
Those who advance to the in-person stage will undergo “verification testing in the presence of expert observers,” though the specifics of this process have not been disclosed. Finalists — one winner in each category — will receive grants to participate in a “development program” at the Senezh Management Workshop. According to the contest’s organizers, 3,000 people applied within the first two days of the announcement.
The Kremlin hasn’t hidden that the initiative aims to redirect political strategists who previously worked on election campaigns for parties and individual politicians toward developing social programs for various demographic groups, from schoolchildren to retirees. However, Kommersant, citing knowledgeable sources, reports that another goal is to create an “official registry” of political strategists ahead of the 2026 State Duma elections. The Kremlin reportedly aims to bring the entire political strategy market under its control, including those working with parties other than United Russia.
When announcing the competition, Sergey Kiriyenko, the head of the Kremlin’s domestic policy team, described the initiative as follows:
The contest we are launching today is a new step in the development of social, public, humanitarian, and political sciences in Russia. Today, there is a demand not just for political but for social technologies. People are looking not only for expertise or academic explanations of what is happening, but for initiatives that can genuinely improve lives. Such projects are already being implemented in significant numbers.
Kiriyenko highlighted examples such as the “You Decide” program in the Nizhny Novgorod region, the “School Budget” contest in the Orenburg region, and the “Moscow Longevity” initiative in the capital. According to official reports, these programs were successful, though it’s impossible to independently verify those claims. These and similar initiatives were developed by regional officials and their political strategists — meaning that some future “social architects” already have experience in this field.
A regional official, who previously worked as a political strategist, told Meduza that he already considers himself a “social architect.” “My responsibilities include social programs, projects aimed at improving communication with the population, and so on,” he explained.
These social projects often serve as PR tools during election campaigns for government-backed candidates. For instance, the Nizhny Novgorod “You Decide” program was created to support United Russia candidate Gleb Nikitin during the 2017 gubernatorial election.
“This allows candidates to bypass campaign finance laws. Officially, these are social initiatives funded by the budget, but many voters, especially older ones, end up seeing the governor as their benefactor. In reality, these are propaganda tools — not social programs — used as part of the election campaign,” said a seasoned political strategist with extensive experience in regional elections.
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In other words, political strategists who once handled a wide range of tasks during election campaigns will now see their roles narrowed, with Kiriyenko’s newly announced contest serving as a tool to facilitate this shift. Among those responsible for its development are Alexander Kharichev, the head of the Kremlin’s Monitoring and Analysis of Social Processes Department, and Firdus Aliyev, the managing director of the Kremlin think tank EISI.
At the project’s launch, Aliyev noted that while political strategists were in high demand for election work during the “early days of Russian democracy,” social activity in society now extends beyond elections. Candidates at all levels, he explained, are increasingly focused on social initiatives rather than traditional politics.
Aliyev emphasized the need for strategists to “transform” and “apply their accumulated expertise to new objectives,” adding that the contest was deliberately not called a “contest for political strategists.”
The training program at the Senezh Management Workshop, where the five winners of the Kremlin’s “social architect” contest will study, is still being developed, according to a source close to the Kremlin’s domestic policy team and a political strategist working with the administration. The program, one said, will depend largely on the projects submitted by contestants and their interests.
Several political strategists interviewed by Meduza expressed skepticism about the shift toward social projects, though they acknowledge that demand for their services is declining. “I understand — competitive elections are becoming rare, so candidates don’t really need strategists. Local administrations can handle mobilizing state resources and government employees without bringing in specialists,” said one strategist who has worked with both the Kremlin’s domestic policy team and opposition candidates.
Despite their doubts, strategists who previously developed election campaigns said they’re willing to focus exclusively on social projects out of financial necessity. Their earnings have been severely impacted by the shrinking number of elections, as well as “corporate mobilization,” widespread falsifications, and electronic voting.
One strategist, who used to work in the regions and now manages a network of political Telegram channels, said many of his colleagues were “inspired” by the contest and began submitting applications. He noted that they “often choose the rehabilitation of participants in the ‘special military operation’ as a theme, viewing it as a promising area.”
Another strategist currently working with the Kremlin’s domestic policy team said that while “competitive [election] campaigns are far more interesting, managing social projects will do.” At the same time, the source thinks that reorienting political strategists toward social programs is the Kremlin’s way of keeping them “afloat” during a lull in the industry.
A source familiar with the contest’s planning said that by financially supporting strategists in tough times, Sergey Kiriyenko and the domestic policy team could ensure their loyalty to the Kremlin. “I know people [loyal to the ruling party] who sometimes work for opposition candidates almost for fun (even though there are hardly any competitive campaigns left). If you pay them to work on social projects, many will feel indebted [to the authorities],” the source explained.
However, the initiative has its drawbacks. A strategist who has worked with both the domestic policy team and opposition candidates noted that regional authorities and local United Russia branches are reluctant to spend money on Moscow-based strategists. “They might hire a well-known strategist to avoid upsetting [the Kremlin], but it’s an extra expense,” the source said.
Another strategist with experience in federal and major regional campaigns warned that the shift to social projects might be poorly timed:
If someone steps away from election work, it will take a lot of time to get back into shape [and effectively handle political strategy again]. And serious political competition might return — we have the State Duma elections coming up, and it’s unclear under what [primarily economic] conditions they’ll take place. What we might need then are not “social architects” organizing public hearings or trying to appease and employ military personnel, but skilled election strategists. And there won’t be any left.
Story by Andrey Pertsev